True or false, there is a sublimity in the speculations of geologists which fascinates the imagination. They tell us of successive formations of the crust of the earth; of long periods, during which repeated, renewed, and wholly different races of creatures basked in the sunshine, or preyed in the waters; and of successive revolutions subverting all that had pre-existed, and all leading, through a sort of eternity in time, to the grand result of the world as it now is, inhabited by the human race.
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It may be very fanciful: but the moral and social progress of the human race seems to bear some resemblance to these geological speculations. For there are those amongst us, who, amid doubt, discouragement, decayed enthusiasm, and even chilling sneer, still cling to the belief, that a better, a higher, a nobler destiny still awaits the family of man. Not an imaginary perfectibility, not a visionary millennium, not such a change of the organic structure, body and mind, as would make the human being other than he is. But man as he is, in many respects helpless, in much imperfect, and in all feeble, when viewed individually, is still capable of social elevation such as society has not yet beheld. Christianity is to be the prime agent of the change. Its divine truths, thoroughly pervading the atmosphere of public opinion; working upon all thought, upon all mind, upon all education; calling to their aid the wondrous resources of science, and all appliances of art; gradually, from generation to generation, elevating the common standard of morals and of knowledge; and achieving the prime result of making HUMAN LAW subservient to the prime object of ministering to the best interests of humanity; these are capable—perfectly capable—of changing man as he is, into man as he ought to be; and to this end wait all whom the bustle of the world has not yet rendered incapable of reflection, nor its corruptions and disappointments rendered insensible to those generous emotions which animated their younger years.
These men are not disheartened by appearances, which, to superficial observers, would seem to indicate that man, so far from advancing, is sometimes retrograding; and that the human race is, after all, much the same from age to age, merely different in external characteristics. They can see a Cromwell, the type of daring and courageous usurpation, succeeded by a Charles, the concentration of selfish profanity and disgusting profligacy, and yet not lose their faith in the conviction that the world moves. They can witness the volcanic eruption of French revolution without the absorbing fear, that the “boiling lava” is destined to encrust the globe, and embrace religion, honour, truth and social order in one petrifying deluge; nay, the world may rise in arms, and though deprecating the misery and the mischief which the folly and the passion of man inflicts upon his kind, still they feel that “all things work together for good.” The world does move; that is their conviction, and it is ours; were it not so, THE ECONOMIST should not have appeared.
All great changes have been preceded by a general conviction of a WANT—a something which all concurred in testifying they felt to be essential. The introduction of Christianity itself was preceded by a general decay of Pagan superstition, which, even before the birth of Our Saviour, was losing its hold over all education and intelligent minds. Nay, the Hebrew polity was already waxing old, and preparing to vanish away, at the period of the Advent. And when the Apostles set forth on their great mission, the way was cleared before them; the Roman empire comprised what was considered as the known world; and though troubles prevailed here and there, the universal peace was but little broken. Similar concurring causes may be remarked as coincident with other great changes in the moral and social condition of the human race; old errors decaying; new truths dawning on the horizon; commotion, controversy, and even revolution ensuing; and at last the new condition of humanity becoming as much an essential of the race, as if we had lived under it since Adam was created.
Now, everything around us concurs to demonstrate that we are approaching a GREAT CHANGE, not only in pent-up Britain, but all over the earth. The social problem of this age is the rapid MULTIPLICATION OF THE HUMAN RACE. The great question is, by what means may this increase be met, by a corresponding increase of MATERIAL ENJOYMENT. Since the world began, no such phenomenon has met the eye of the observer. Particular countries may have risen, flourished, and faded; particular nations at particular periods may have swollen out into multitudinous combinations, afterwards leaving but a relic of themselves; and at this very day and hour particular races are unhappily disappearing from the earth. Yet it stands as the one vast and stupendous FACT of the present day, that within the now capacious bounds of what is called civilization, the human race is multiplifying at a rate unknown since man appeared on the globe. This is the fact which perplexes governments and amazes nations; which calls into existence hostile tariffs and perpetuates commercial blunders; which leads senates into the vain delusion that there is a shorter road to the WEALTH OF NATIONS than that which nature and providence point out; and which has created a war of social interests more momentous in its consequences than all the conquests of an Alexander, all the achievements of a Napoleon, all the victories of a Marlborough or a Wellington. Man multiplies within all the range of civilization, and is casting his swarms beyond it; man multiplies, not alone within Great Britain, where they say some 230,000 souls are annually added to our numbers, but in France, in Germany, in the United States, in Southern America, in India, in the South Seas. Turn back upon the by-past records of history, and ask if such a phenomenon was ever known before. No! the swelling flood of human life rises up to the topmost height of all its ancient barriers—way must be found for it, or it will overleap them all!
Yes!—the world is on the eve of a stupendous social change. The old delusions of seclusion, exclusion, restriction, interference, and protection are waxing old, and are even now ready to vanish away. No man believes in their permanence, who has a heart to feel, and a mind to think; and if events are in any way the interpretation and the index of Providence, we may with reverence affirm, that the finger of GOD himself points man onwards. Through much suffering, it is said, is the kingdom of heaven attained; through much suffering, it may also be observed, do nations as well as individuals learn those truths which are necessary to their temporal welfare. But at last, purged of their dross, they appear in native lustre; and a whole people, taught by bitter experience, receives them with humility, and applies them in earnestness and faith.
It must also be recollected, that there are certain periods or times in the application of truths, which are essential in their subservience to man's use. Christianity, for instance, to recur to our primary illustration, was not promulgated until the “fulness of time;” and some of the greatest of those inventions which have blessed the human race have been, as it were, purposely retarded until the world had been prepared for it. Amongst other examples, that of Printing may be adduced, which was all but discovered two thousand years ago. The ocean has been at the service of man since the first bark was launched on it; and commerce has been proved to be the great medium of international intercourse since the earlier Phoenicians adventured on distant voyages, and, in exchange for their manufactures, distributed the metallic products of Britain over the then civilized world. But never, until now, was the ocean literally SUBDUED to our service. Scarcely a gun can boom along its surface, even in remotest seas, but the echo is heard almost instantaneously in Europe. There is scarcely a rock on which a buccaneer may take shelter; not an island where a pirate may safely nestle. From arctic to antartic circle, its utmost bounds are searched; it is now, of a verity and truth, the great HIGHWAY of the globe; and it waits but the application of universal FREE TRADE to be the means of pouring into every country the products of every clime; to diffuse the noblest gifts of religion, of science, of literature, and of art; and to effect, in the whole condition of the race, changes such as the most sanguine imagination may scarcely dream of.
Never, too, was there a time so favourable as this for the application of universal Free Trade. With the exception of some comparatively slight exceptions, there is universal Peace; while the great pressure of necessity, the accumulation of man and of capital, the unequal distribution of both, the impulsive cry which breaks out, not in England alone, for a something which will give employment to both—strong energy pent up within narrow bounds—science waiting the call of capital, art ready to minister to man's comfort—yea, civilization standing at the threshold of all nations, and entreating for aid; these proclaim that Free Trade must come, and a thousand signs and symptoms return for answer that it shall come. Beginning, then, with the beginning; starting with the first of commercial nations, the one whose example carries force to every other, and from which Free Trade must first emanate, let us ask what are its chances in
Great Britain
Parliament is scattered; and though London is still full of people, it is understood to be empty. From the Queen to the humblest individual who can obtain time and means, the metropolis has gone on trips, tours, and marine excursions; and, as usual, attention is divided between the Highlands, the Rhine, the Isle of Wight, and Switzerland, Wales and Ireland being left to the more adventurous. Gravesend, Margate, Ramsgate, Dover and Brighton, are free to those to whom time is money, and who cannot quit home or occupation on more lengthened expeditions.
Parliament is scattered; and every member of the collective wisdom, whose daily paper pursues him to his haunts, must either smile or sigh at the spent shots sent after Lords and Commons. Papers of both political parties are railing at the “Do-Nothing” session; friend and foe alike bear testimony to the monstrous inaction which characterised seven months of debate. In one respect, we join in the complaint, but with motives of a different kind from those which actuate many of our fellow grumblers. We lament, for the sake of the country alone, that the session just concluded has been so barren of results. We regret, for the sake of Sir Robert Peel himself, that he did not boldly continue on the course which he had begun. And, opposed as we are to all monopoly, we have no desire to see the application of the principles of Free Trade in the exclusive possession of any party or class. For the sake of the country alone do we join in deploring the inaction and the neglect of the great do-nothing session of 1843.
But though barren of immediate legislative results, and in many respects fatal to the domination of mere party, the session just concluded has been far from unfruitful. It may rather be compared to the fine winter fructifying the seed in the soil, and preparing it for the genial spring. Indeed, discussing the matter as a mere speculative question, and looking at it apart from the pressing necessities of the country, it may almost be affirmed that the session just concluded has been far more favourable for the permanent growth of free-trade principles, than even a course of legislative action. No doubt, if Sir Robert Peel had resolutely determined to give the country more free trade, and maintained high ground from the very outset, he might have scared his party into submission, and, with the aid of the free traders in the House, have blessed the country with measure which must at last be conceded. Still he might have arrayed against him a formidable minority of his own ranks, who, instead of remaining in their present passive state, would have started into a dogged opposition, and, entrenching themselves behind the crumbling bulwarks of old monopoly, prepared for a vigorous resistance. But the inactive policy of the Government compelled the ministerial majority to assent, at least by their silence, to the modified arguments with which Sir Robert Peel and Mr Gladstone at once advocated and resisted free-trade principles. Not a word was spoken, last session, from either side of the House about the inherent value which used to be considered resident in monopoly. Had anybody talked, as they talked in 1841, about “independence of foreigners,” it would have raised a storm of laughter. True, Sir Edward Knatchbull hinted about the Corn Laws as being necessary, in order to enable landlords to give good marriage settlements with their daughters. But while he was speaking you might have seen written on every countenance on his own side of the House—“The old fool!” Those arguments which, in 1841, were in full lustihood and vigour—which were simpered in pamphlets, roared from the hustings, re-echoed in meetings, and cheered by crowds, are now as dead and gone as the proofs that the sun rolled round the earth. In the Commons they are dumb; in the Lords only heard in the strains of well-meaning, but very mistaken Earl Stanhope. In truth, the majority of the House of Commons has become, in 1843, completely ashamed of what it had said and done in 1841. This is truly a “prodigious” advance; it is a rich compensation for the do-nothing policy of the session. The Government, by abstaining from action, gave time for the principles of free trade to grow in minds not very apt for their reception; and considering the rather dull character of their pupils, it must be admitted that Sir Robert Peel and Mr Gladstone have been very successful in their tuition. Even most respectable and steady Mr Goulburn is rising up, under the care of Sir James Graham, to an appreciation of the truth, that the principles of free trade are the principles of common sense.
In truth, last session, so bewailed as a do-nothing session, was a most remarkable one for accomplishing one of the great ends for which parliament assembles. The sole business of the House of Commons is not simply to legislate, for then might its sessions be comprised within two months of each year. Its prime function is the FORMATION OF PUBLIC OPINION, or rather its CONDENSATION AND CONCENTRATION, preparatory to legislation. No great change, to be effectual, safe, and permanent, can be achieved by a sudden impulse; the public mind, in this country, is somewhat sluggish in its movements, and requires continued reiteration to stamp it with the sense, the feeling, and the power of those arguments by which great changes are promoted. But when it does move, the House of Commons is, after all, not a bad index. Sometimes, like certain not very infallible barometers, it predicts a fall of rain after the rain has come down. But, on the whole, let the constituencies evince that they are positively affected, and the great body of members will be seen turning slowly round, and pointing steadily at the desired object.
The debates in the House of Commons are interesting, not to Great Britain alone, but to the whole civilised world; and the debates on FREE TRADE attract the attention of every community which owns a ship, works a mine, drives a loom, or grows a grain of corn. Now, on the subject of free trade, a kind of moral miracle was achieved within the House of Commons during last session. Those debates, complained of by some as wearisome, proved in the clearest and most emphatic manner, the great change now at work in the public mind—a change which, at no very remote period, will testify itself in a practical shape, by being embodied in legislation.
Take the first great debate of the session—that raised by Lord Howick on the 13th of February, lasting from Monday till Friday, and which was closed by the memorable scene between Sir Robert Peel and Mr Cobden, of which, as we have reason to believe that the prime minister is heartily ashamed, and desirous that it should be buried in oblivion, we shall say nothing more. The speech of Lord Howick was really an admirable one—clear, distinct, manly, and straightforward. Indeed, this nobleman has many if not most of the qualifications requisite for the leader of a party which will take up high ground, and be the van-guard of public opinion. His economic views are sound; they are laid down with ability, precision, clearness, and are sustained by a kind of pointed and common-sense eloquence somewhat rare in his class. Personally, he is a little defective in temper, and leans rather towards a certain kind of dogmatism: but his honour and his honesty are unimpeachable. We hope to see him next session taking up a position worthy of his station, character, and ability.
How was Lord Howick answered? Let Mr Gladstone tell. He left the Corn Laws tottering on the stepping-stone of temporary expediency; he talked of “the revolution of ages and of circumstances.” The philosophic President of the Board of Trade had doubtless been reading Guizot's Lectures on Civilization, and probably had in his mind, that “Providence moves through time, as the gods of Homer through, space—it makes a step, and ages have rolled away!” So thought, at least, every free trader who heard him—so felt every advocate of protection, who had sense enough to see where “the revolution of ages and of circumstances” tended.
The debate was characterised by many remarkable speeches; that by Mr Cobden was one of his most striking efforts, and was an inciting cause of the very silly attempt to put him down. The ministerial members had been all expressly whipped up to town, in order, by a heavy division, to effect a double object. The agricultural interest having succeeded in making a compact with the Government, that no farther changes should be undertaken, it was deemed advisable at once to overawe Ministers and the Opposition; and therefore, about four o'clock of a very snowy morning (though within the House there had been a tropical hurricane), of the representatives of the people there divided 306 against 191, being a majority of 115.
But grievously was the majority mistaken, in supposing that their numbers would render the opposition quiet, or even keep the government passive. For though the government did very little, still they did something; they brought in a Canadian Wheat Bill, which stirred up the whole question from its very foundations; and they closed the session, by repealing the prohibition to export machinery, Mr Gladstone urging the measure with arguments identical with those by which he will probably argue for the repeal of the Corn Laws, say next session. As for the free traders, they did their duty. There was Mr Ward, with his very adroit motion for inquiring into the peculiar burdens alleged to be laid on land. This was one of the most gravelling things of the session, and literally put the agriculturists between the horns of their own dilemma. Mr Ward was supported by 133 against 232, who said “No!” to his motion for inquiry. But their refusal was scarcely requisite; the debate had already done the business, and left an impression on the public mind not easily to be eradicated.
Again, there was Mr Villiers' motion for the repeal of the Corn Laws, in the month of May, which lasted a week, and was not permitted to be closed without a fit of passion similar to that which marked the close of the debate on the motion of Lord Howick. An adjournment of the debate was proposed on Friday night till the following Monday, several members not having had opportunity of joining in it. Whereupon certain members on the Ministerial side thought fit that they should be gagged; and persevered, with something very like stupidity, in refusing to permit the adjournment. The Opposition were not to be put down in this way, and therefore prolonged the contest; Ministers fled from the scene, ashamed of the conduct of their own supporters, of which they themselves at last so felt the disgrace, that one of them compelled the reporters to withdraw, in order that no record might be given to the public. The morning sun put out the lights in the House of Commons; and the free traders, having obtained the victory, were permitted to leave the field.
But our space would fail us were we to go over the varied debates of last session all bearing on the great question. We shall have ample time, however, to do this during the recess, for they will form our text-book preparatory to next session. Our task is a similar one to that which Mr Cobden assigned himself, when, in his pointed way, he faced the agricultural benches, and told its occupants what he intended to do. It was on Monday, August 14; the occasion was the Chelsea Pensioners' Bill. In 1835, said Mr Cobden, when work was plentiful, and food cheap, not even Demosthenes could have gathered round him an audience on the subject of the Corn Laws. But now!—to their castle gates, he exclaimed, would he carry the war; amongst their own constituencies would he find anxious and attentive listeners. They heard and felt; for Mr Cobden, by indomitable courage and keen intellect, has established his unquestioned right to be heard in the House of Commons; and they know that what he says he will do.
Next week we may go in search of a monopolist in the House of Commons, for with the exception of Colonel Sibthorp and Sir Howard Douglas—two very great men—we do not know one who does not by this time avow an adherence to free trade, either in the abstract or the practical.
France
France, at first sight, would appear to be one of the last countries of the continent where the example of England on the subject of free trade would be imitated. There prevails, amongst what may be termed the political and reading classes in France, a tolerably strong feeling of jealousy with respect to this country, which is fostered by certain Parisian newspapers to an extent scarcely credible, and with a furious spirit resembling bitter hatred, the cause of which seems difficult to understand. In addition to this, the protected interests of that country are always able to raise a clamour, enough to scare a minister from large and liberal changes, especially when conjoined with Anglophobia.
Nevertheless, there is much to hope for in France. The Parisian war papers do not represent the whole public opinion; the country is rapidly advancing in material prosperity; and there is a great middle class, increasing both in numbers and in wealth, who are not ready to sacrifice the solid advantages of peace and good-will between the two countries for the empty glory or probable disgrace of an insane war. The very jealousy and impatience of Frenchmen with respect to this country is, in itself, one proof that France is advancing; and though we are not likely to coax the French Government and people into the adoption of free trade before we set them the example, we may depend upon it that the moment we do so we shall have taken a more decided step towards securing a permanent peace between the two countries than all the treaties we can negotiate. It is impossible to exaggerate the benefit which would result to both countries—and as much, if not more, to France than England—were they free, open markets for one another's productions.
Meantime, it is pleasant to notice the exchange of courtesies between King Louis Philippe and Queen Victoria. The King of the French, with his family, are now at his marine villa, the Chateau d'Eu, awaiting the expected visit of the Queen and Prince Albert. On Monday last they met with a very dangerous adventure. It appears that the King, the Queen, the Count of Paris, the Prince and Princess of Joinville, the Duke d'Aumale, and, in fact, all the members of the Royal Family now here, took one of their usual drives in the neighbourhood of the chateau. The carriage occupied by the Royal Family was a large open one, hung round with curtains, with seats across it, and capable of carrying a great number or persons, and contained, upon this occasion, no less than ten members of the Royal Family, including Louis Philippe, the Queen, and the Count of Paris. The carriage was drawn by four very spirited horses. The party, it appears, happened, in the course of their drive, to pass through Treport, a small fishing village, and the inhabitants saluted them with a feu de joie. The guns were fired just as the carriage was approaching the neighbourhood of a bridge which spans the Brezle, a small river, at the mouth of which the village of Treport is situated. Nothing could be more unexpected than the result. The horses, startled by the noise, commenced plunging furiously. The postilions lost all command of them, and they darted forward towards the bridge, the parapet of which the leaders cleared at a bound. The third horse was dragged after its companions, and for a moment the destruction of the whole party seemed inevitable; but fortunately the postilion was enabled to acquire some command over the fourth horse, and he did not follow. Had he done so, there could be no doubt of the result. Assistance, however, was happily at hand, and the whole party were released from their perilous position; not, however, before the traces had been with great difficulty cut, and the horses left to their fate. The three horses, of course, fell into the stream below, and were injured, but both the postilions escaped.
The alarm of the whole party in such fearful circumstances must have been very great. The Queen was much affected, and wept bitterly after the danger was over. The King himself acted with great presence of mind. He held the young Count of Paris in his arms, and refused to leave the carriage till every member of his family was placed in safety on terra firma.
Spain
This fine country, which has been, and might be, one of the most flourishing in Europe, is involved in all the disquietude, uncertainty, and danger, which the recent revolution has produced. We are too little informed as to the real causes which brought about the expulsion of Espartero from the Regency; whatever may have been his defects of judgment, he appears to have exercised his power with the purest motives; and we hear that there are too many indications that the men who have superseded him are not likely to give tranquillity to the country, or inspire the people with confidence in their government.
The young Queen of Spain has been conveyed to the Royal palace of La Granja, about four leagues from Madrid.
Later intelligence states that the members of the Juntas who have arrived at Madrid have come to an understanding with the Government, and it is probable that the submission to the present rulers of the nation will soon be general. The Morning Chronicle thinks that, “as to the Duke of Victory, as soon as a regularly convened and constituent Cortes shall have passed a vote terminating his Regency, we think he ought to submit to it. But that he should yield an authority conferred by the Cortes to the summons of Senors Serrano, Narvaez, and Olozaga, a triumvirate without legal powers of any kind, and who at this moment shrink from ordaining elections for either Cortes or Municipalities;—to give up his constitutional authority before the tribunes of this French-paid insurrection, were unworthy of Espartero.”
Mr Aston has been instructed to recognise the Provisional Government.
Italy
It seems that an insurrection was prepared for the month of August, in Sicily and Naples, as well as in the legations. The King of Naples had, however, taken every precaution. He has sent a number of troops to Sicily, and has taken steps to fortify Messina and Syracuse. It was on the rumour of some troubles in Naples that the Liberals of Ravenna thought the time was come to make a demonstration. The Papal legate, Spinola, was, however, on his guard, and most of those suspected were seized. Many, however, escaped to the coast. It is said that the Austrian garrison of Ferrara was augmented. The Duke of Modena's Police Minister, Ricci, has not only been dismissed in disgrace, but he has thought it necessary to fly and hide himself, as implicated in these troubles.
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The German papers contain congratulations on the subject of Berlin being rendered a port, by the railroad just opened between it and Stettin. The journey is performed in four hours.
The Berlin Gazette contradicts the report that the Bokharians had taken Khiva. On the contrary, having laid siege to Khesarash, they were attacked by the Khivans and defeated with immense loss.
Greece
The Greek Government has suspended 25 professors of the University, in compliance, it is said, with the desire of the protecting powers, who insisted on the strictest system of economy being introduced into the finances. The crops had suffered severely in most of the provinces, and the greatest misery pervaded the whole country.
Servia
The change brought about in the Government of Servia—introduced by the intrigues of the Porte—interfered with by the Court of St Petersburg, and further embarrassed by the indecision of some of the other Powers—promises, nevertheless, an issue favourable to the broad interests of Europe.
The Augsburg Gazette announces that, in an assembly of the Servian Notables, held on the 8th inst. at Kracojewatz, Waczicz and Petroniewicz had themselves acknowledged the necessity of their departure. They arrived at Belgrade on the 14th and immediately embarked for Widdin, where they were to wait until their fate should be definitively fixed. It was expected that the beret of investiture of Prince Alexander would be shortly published.
Jerusalem
M. de Lentivy, the newly-appointed French Consul at Jerusalem, having imprudently hoisted the tri-coloured flag at the consulate on the 27th ult., in commemoration of the revolution of 1830, the people had become infuriated at a proceeding hitherto without example in a holy city of the Moslems, and threatened, if the offensive emblem were not instantly taken down, to sound the signal of the “ghuzy,” or extermination of the infidels. M. de Lentivy refusing to comply with this injunction, the mob attacked the consulate, shots were exchanged, and several persons wounded, and the tumult only ended when the flag was removed. Redschid Pasha had given full satisfaction for the ill treatment suffered by Dr M'Gowan from a Turkish officer. The latter was to be publicly degraded, and his man bastinadoed, as demanded by the British Consul, but owing to the excitement occasioned by the affair of the French flag, Mr Young deemed it expedient to defer the infliction of the penalty for some days.
The United States
Great preparations are being made by the Democratic party for the coming Presidential contest. It may now be considered as settled that both the Democratic and the Whig parties hold their respective conventions in May next, to designate their candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President. In thus fixing the time of meeting in May, the friends of Mr Calhoun have triumphed over the friends of Mr Van Buren. The latter contended that the convention should be held in November, 1842, while the former urged with great pertinacity, and succeeded, that it should be postponed until May, 1844.
The new Congress convene in December. The Democratic party will have an overwhelming majority in the House of Representatives, and probably, one-half the Senate; but if, as reported, the Legislature of Tennessee, just elected, is Whig, that party will have a decided majority in the Senate of the United States, inasmuch as two senators are to be chosen to represent that state, both seats having been vacant for more than year. The Democratic party stands pledged, among other things, to restore the sub-treasury, and to repeal or remodel the present tariff.
The Whigs are inactive. Some little excitement has been produced in two or three states, but there is no prospect of its extending during the year 1843. They appear resolved to fight the great Presidential battle of 1844 in 1844, and not before. No person in their ranks has been spoken of as a candidate except Mr Clay.
The weather over the greater part of the United States had been, as in this country, more than usually wet in the months of May and June; and the growth of the cotton plant (which was sown late) had been so far retarded as to make it certain that the picking, like our own harvest, would commence from three weeks to a month later than last year. There seems also little reason to doubt, that partial injury has been sustained in the low grounds, from floods and superabundant moisture. This intelligence, brought by the Acadia steamer, on Tuesday, caused considerable excitement in the Liverpool market. But the Manchester Guardian says that, at the date of the last advices, the crop had received no serious injury; and, though the probable lateness of the picking would, no doubt, diminish the produce to some extent, yet, with favourable weather, an average produce may be expected; and it is admitted on all hands that the breadth of land under cultivation is decidedly greater than was ever before known.
The receipts of the crop of 1842 are now fast drawing to a close. The following are the latest particulars:
EXPENSES OF THE STATE GOVERNMENT.—By a table in the papers, it appears that the aggregate annual expenditure of the several states, in their executive, judicial, and legislative departments, was—Executive, 198,470 dollars; legislative, 747,253 dollars; judiciary, 646,185 dollars; total, 1,591,908 dollars.
AMERICAN FACTORIES.—The Amoskeag Manufacturing Company are about erecting another mill at Manchester, N.H. It is to be 400 feet in length, and will be sufficiently large to contain from 460 to 480 looms, and 18,000 spindles—double the size of the mills now in operation at that place. The Lanvale Factory, the Washington Factory, and the calico and bleaching works on Jones Falls, near Albany, are about being started on an extensive scale by a company of capitalists.
AMERICAN MANUFACTURES.—A merchant of Troy, engaged in the eastern trade, informs us that he found it extremely difficult, when in Boston last week, to obtain a supply of domestics by the 15th of August; the orders already received by the manufacturers being so full as to keep them constantly at work. There have already been exported from Boston to China, the present year, 15,000,000 yards of cotton goods, while from Great Britain to China, the export has only been 12,000,000 yards; the celestials giving our cloths the preference.—Troy Whig.
The Oregon question was exciting some interest in Philadelphia. An ambassador has been sent to China, with a very friendly letter to the Emperor, and a claim for 250,000 dollars worth of opium destroyed.
In Canada, it appears the commissioners appointed to settle the claims of the settlers on the St John had taken a holiday, from the unfavourable weather they had experienced, and also in consequence of the difficulty of disposing of the settlers' claims. It was reported that the boundary commissioners had disagreed about the meaning of the language in the celebrated Ashburton treaty, and that one of the surveying party had suspended operations for the present.
Mexico
From Mexico we learn that the President Santa Anna has issued a decree, bearing date June 17, which declares that all foreigners taken with arms in their hands fighting against Mexico, will be immediately put to death.